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Investigative genetic genealogy

Application of genealogy in a legal setting

Investigative genetic genealogy, or forensic genetic genealogy, is the emerging practice of utilizing genetic information from direct-to-consumer companies for identifying suspects or victims in criminal cases.[1] As of September 2021, the use of this practice has led to the discovery of over 150 suspects of murder and sexual assault.[2] The investigative power of genetic genealogy revolves around the use of publicly accessible genealogy databases such as GEDMatch and FamilyTreeDNA. On GEDMatch, users are able to upload their genetic data from any direct-to-consumer company in an effort to identify relatives that have tested at companies other than their own.

Identifying unknown subjects through investigative genetic genealogy is done through the use of analysis of identity-by-descent (IBD) segments of DNA that indicate shared ancestors.[3] Data available in GEDMatch, which is composed of genetic profiles from approximately 1.2 million individuals, has proven capable of identifying a third cousin or closer in over 90% of the population.[4] This information, used in tandem with demographic identifiers like age, gender, and place of residence, is sufficient for identifying any person who has a third cousin or closer within a publicly accessible genetic genealogy database.

Law enforcement agencies have leveraged the access to public databases by uploading crime-scene genealogy data and inferring relatives to potential suspects.[5][6][7] Family tree assembly and analysis of demographic identifiers is then carried out by genetic genealogy experts, either working directly for law enforcement agencies or through one of the many US companies that have been set up to work on these cases. Parabon Nanolabs is the most well known company working in this field.[8] By January 2021 Parabon claimed to have used genetic genealogy to produce an investigative lead in over 200 cases.[9] The DNA Doe Project, a non-profit organization, have also been instrumental in resolving unidentified remains cases, many of whom are victims of violent crimes.[10]

Controversy

The use of investigative genetic genealogy has been central in numerous high-profile cases, namely in the identification and ultimate arrest of Joseph DeAngelo, the Golden State Killer.[5] Despite its apparent success, the growing use of genetic genealogy databases by law enforcement agencies has not avoided serious scrutiny. A year prior to the arrest of DeAngelo, an individual was wrongly identified as a suspect in the murder of Angie Dodge, an 18-year-old woman who was the victim of a 1996 murder in Idaho Falls, Idaho. Michael Usry was the subject of a police investigation that led to a court order requiring Ancestry.com to disclose the identity of a partial match to crime scene DNA.[11] This partial match was Usry, who was ultimately cleared as a suspect after police secured a warrant for his DNA. This DNA test proved that he was not a full match to the perpetrator.

Privacy implications

Direct-to-consumer companies

The use of genetic genealogy databases by investigators has initiated a debate over the Fourth Amendment implications of genealogy data. The Fourth Amendment states that a warrant is required in situations that violate an individual’s reasonable expectations of privacy.[12] Given the sensitivity of information within direct-to-consumer genealogy databases, particularly concerning medical traits, behavioral tendencies, ethnic background, and familial associations, courts have asserted that they are subject to protection under the Fourth Amendment.[13][examples needed]

Currently, direct-to-consumer companies do not promise complete protection of user data. 23andMe, a leading consumer genealogy company, states in its privacy policy that “23andMe will preserve and disclose any and all information to law enforcement agencies or others if required to do so by law or in the good faith belief that such preservation or disclosure is reasonably necessary to…comply with legal or regulatory process”.[14]

In an effort to remain transparent to its consumers, 23andMe has a quarterly Transparency Report. This report identifies the number of government requests for user data in addition to the number of times data has been produced without the explicit consent of the individual(s) of interest. 23andMe claims to have never produced user data without consent.[15] The other industry leader, Ancestry.com, takes an analogous stance on the privacy of user data and similarly provides an annual transparency report.[16]

The direct-to-consumer genealogy company FamilyTreeDNA faced a backlash following an admission that they were working secretly with the FBI. This partnership was initiated in 2018 and had the goal of solving cold cases involving murder and rape.[17] Following scrutiny, FamilyTreeDNA’s president Bennett Greenspan apologized for a lack of transparency, stating “I am genuinely sorry for not having handled our communications with you as we should have”.[17]

Public genetic genealogy databases

Privacy implications pertaining to public databases like GEDMatch are distinct from direct-to-consumer companies. As users voluntarily upload their genealogy profiles to GEDMatch, they forfeit their privacy to the data. The third-party doctrine, originally established by the US Supreme Court, states that a person “has no legitimate expectation of privacy in information…voluntarily turn[ed] over to third parties”.[18] However, following intense media attention after the arrest of the Golden State Killer, GEDMatch changed their terms of service to require individuals to opt into use of their profiles by third parties.[19] In effect, privacy rights were shifted back into the hands of the users.

Potential for supplementing the FBI’s CODIS System

The US government’s own Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) database is composed of forensic evidence assessible to local, state, and federal law enforcement officials. This database consists of genetic profiles of approximately 18 million different people, however these are limited to DNA samples from convicted felons and arrestees.[20] Data on the racial distribution of profiles suggests that 8.6% of the entire African American population is present in the database compared to only 2% of the white population.[13]

On the other hand, genetic profiles from direct-to-consumer databases and GEDMatch consist of 75% white individuals from Northern European descent.[3] The vast overrepresentation of African American individuals within the CODIS database has rendered it relatively ineffective for solving serial murder and sexual assault cases, of which the majority of perpetrators are white. Based on data from 4,700 mass murderers, 57% of serial killers are white whereas only 29% are African American.[21] It has been suggested that the use of investigative genetic genealogy, which relies heavily on databases like GEDMatch, would therefore help to reduce racial disparities in the current criminal justice system. However, in practice it has been found that the majority of victims identified through this technique were white.[22]

References

  1. ^ Kling, Daniel; Phillips, Christopher; Kennett, Debbie; Tillmar, Andreas (2021). “Investigative genetic genealogy: Current methods, knowledge and practice”. Forensic Science International: Genetics. 52: 102474. doi:10.1016/j.fsigen.2021.102474. PMID 33592389. S2CID 231944378.
  2. ^ Guerrini, Christi J.; Wickenheiser, Ray A.; Bettinger, Blaine; McGuire, Amy L.; Fullerton, Stephanie M. (2021). “Four misconceptions about investigative genetic genealogy”. Journal of Law and the Biosciences. 8 (1): lsab001. doi:10.1093/jlb/lsab001. PMC 8043143. PMID 33880184.
  3. ^ a b Erlich, Yaniv; Shor, Tal; Pe’er, Itsik; Carmi, Shai (2018-11-09). “Identity inference of genomic data using long-range familial searches”. Science. 362 (6415): 690–694. Bibcode:2018Sci…362..690E. doi:10.1126/science.aau4832. ISSN 0036-8075. PMC 7549546. PMID 30309907.
  4. ^ Khan, Razib; Mittelman, David (2018-08-20). “Consumer genomics will change your life, whether you get tested or not”. Genome Biology. 19 (1): 120. doi:10.1186/s13059-018-1506-1. ISSN 1474-760X. PMC 6100720. PMID 30124172.
  5. ^ a b Phillips, Chris (2018-09-01). “The Golden State Killer investigation and the nascent field of forensic genealogy”. Forensic Science International: Genetics. 36: 186–188. doi:10.1016/j.fsigen.2018.07.010. ISSN 1872-4973. PMID 30041097. S2CID 51725765.
  6. ^ Murphy, Heather (July 1, 2019). “Genealogy Sites Have Helped Identify Suspects. Now They’ve Helped Convict One”. NY Times. Retrieved May 20, 2020.
  7. ^ Murphy, Heather (October 5, 2019). “Playing Catch a Killer With a Room Full of Sleuths”. NY Times. Retrieved May 20, 2020.
  8. ^ Arnold C. The controversial company using DNA to sketch the faces of criminals. Nature news feature, 9 September 2020.
  9. ^ Greytak EM. Genetic genealogy for cold case and active Investigations: 2021 update. The ISHI Report, 1 December 2021.
  10. ^ Thompson N. DNA detectives are using new tools to solve decades-old cold cases. Wired, 8 December 2020.
  11. ^ Swenson, Kyle. “Police twice targeted the wrong men for a brutal 1996 killing. A cigarette butt changed everything”. Washington Post. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  12. ^ “Constitute”. www.constituteproject.org. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  13. ^ a b Abrahamson, Claire (2018–2019). “Guilt by Genetic Association: The Fourth Amendment and the Search of Private Genetic Databases by Law Enforcement”. Fordham Law Review. 87: 2539.
  14. ^ 23andMe. “DNA Genetic Testing & Analysis – 23andMe”. www.23andme.com. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  15. ^ 23andMe. “Transparency Report – 23andMe”. www.23andme.com. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  16. ^ “Transparency”. www.ancestry.com. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  17. ^ a b Haag, Matthew (2019-02-04). “FamilyTreeDNA Admits to Sharing Genetic Data With F.B.I.” The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  18. ^ Villasenor, John (2013-12-30). “What You Need to Know about the Third-Party Doctrine”. The Atlantic. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  19. ^ Murphy, Heather (2019-04-25). “Sooner or Later Your Cousin’s DNA Is Going to Solve a Murder”. The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  20. ^ “CODIS and NDIS Fact Sheet”. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  21. ^ Samet, Mackenzie; Salo, Jackie (2018-08-14). “New profile of serial killers debunks long-held myths”. New York Post. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
  22. ^ Stern J and Zhang S. victims left behind by genetic genealogy. The Atlantic, 27 January 2021.
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The year in patriarchy: a dancing PM, an ‘inclusive’ M&M, and lots of protests

2022 saw a stunning reverse on reproductive rights in the US but there were also victories for women – and the plain bizarre

Let’s start on a positive note, eh? Because there were a few victories. 2022 was a crummy year in many respects for women but it wasn’t all bad. In terms of reproductive rights, for example, Colombia decriminalized abortion and India’s supreme court extended access to abortion to unmarried women.

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Russian missiles strike Kyiv on New Year“s Eve, at least one dead

2022-12-31T14:05:34Z

Russia carried out its second major round of missile attacks on Ukraine in three days on Saturday, Ukrainian officials said, with explosions reported throughout the country on New Year’s Eve.

Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko said at least one person had been killed and eight wounded after a series of explosions in the capital. Reuters correspondents reported hearing 10 loud blasts in the city.

The mayor said one of those wounded by the blasts was a Japanese journalist who had been taken to hospital.

A hotel just south of Kyiv’s city centre was hit and a residential building in another district was damaged, according to the city administration.

The governor of the surrounding Kyiv region, Oleksiy Kuleba, had warned shortly beforehand of a possible incoming missile attack, and said air defences in the region were engaging targets.

“The terrorist country launched several waves of missiles. They are wishing us a happy New Year. But we will persevere,” Kuleba wrote on Telegram in a separate post after explosions shook the capital.

Other cities across Ukraine also came under fire. In the southern region of Mykolaiv, local governor Vitaliy Kim said on television that six people had been wounded.

In a separate post on Telegram, Kim said Russia had targeted civilians with the strikes, something Moscow has previously denied.

“According to today’s tendencies, the occupiers are striking not just critical [infrastructure]… in many cities [they are targeting] simply residential areas, hotels, garages, roads.”

In the western city of Khmelnytskyi, two people were wounded in a drone attack, Ukrainian presidential aide Kyrylo Tymoshenko said.

The official also reported a strike in the southern industrial powerhouse city of Zaporizhzhia, which Tymoshenko said had damaged residential buildings.

Ukraine’s defence ministry responded with a defiant message posted on Telegram.

“With each new missile attack on civilian infrastructure, more and more Ukrainians are convinced of the need to fight until the complete collapse of Putin’s regime,” it wrote.

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There are four ways this can end for George Santos – and all of them are ugly

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Even as the George Santos scandal continues to get uglier, and he finds himself under federal and local criminal investigation, he still insists he’s going to go through with the process of being sworn in to Congress next week.

It’s important to understand that things like being under criminal investigation, being indicted, being convicted, and even going to prison, do not cause someone to magically be removed from Congress. It feels like that should be a thing, but it’s not how the rules of Congress are set up. In reality there are only four ways George Santos could end up exiting Congress, and it’s important that we keep them in mind going forward:

1) Santos resigns in the hope the media will stop digging into him and prosecutors will deprioritize their probes into him. This would have been a smart move for Santos to have made weeks ago. But at this late date he might not gain much by belatedly using this strategy.

2) The Santos scandal continues to get uglier for House Republicans as we get into 2023, and at some point they eventually decide they want him out, so they privately tell him he has to resign or he’ll be expelled, and he has no choice but to resign. But this would require House Republicans to have any sense, or any gumption, or any leadership, or any clue – and they have none of those.

3) Santos sticks to his guns even as he’s indicted, convicted, and hauled off to a cell, and eventually House Republicans expel him because he can’t vote with the majority while he’s behind bars.

4) If Santos doesn’t end up indicted, he’ll still lose his seat in the 2024 election. If he seeks reelection he’ll likely lose a primary challenge, and he’d definitely lose a general election.

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Santos promptly resigning might be the best case scenario for House Republicans, because he’d be making a problem go away that they lack the guts to make go away. It would likely cost them a seat. But if they can’t make their fragile majority work with a four seat majority, they’re not going to be able to make it work with a five seat majority either.


Santos trying to remain in the House for as long as possible might be the best case for House Democrats, because his scandals will keep distracting from whatever messaging House Republicans are trying to push on any given day.

But again, it’s not up to House Democrats. They obviously don’t have a two-thirds majority, and therefore can’t expel George Santos. It’s up to House Republicans to pick their poison of either losing a seat or losing their ability for their messaging to get across. All that the House Democrats can do is push Santos to the forefront, make him the poster child for a Republican Party gone awry, and use him as a weapon against all the other House Republicans until he finds his way out of Congress.

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Despite war, some Ukrainian families reunite for New Year

KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — For millions of Ukrainians, many of them under Russian bombardment and grappling with power and water shortages, New Year’s celebrations will be muted as Russia’s 10-month war rumbles on with no end in sight.

But for some families, it is a chance to reunite, however briefly, after months apart.

At Kyiv’s central railway station on Saturday morning, Mykyta, still in his uniform, gripped a bouquet of pink roses tightly as he waited on platform 9 for his wife Valeriia to arrive from Poland. He hadn’t seen her in six months.

“It actually was really tough, you know, to wait so long,” he told The Associated Press after hugging and kissing Valeriia.

Nearby, another soldier, Vasyl Khomko, 42, joyously met his daughter Yana and wife Galyna who have been living in Slovakia due to the war, but returned to Kyiv to spend New Year’s Eve together.

The mood contrasted starkly with that from 10 months ago when families were torn apart by the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Back in February, fathers, husbands and sons had to stay behind as their wives, mothers and daughters boarded trains with small children seeking safety outside the country. Scenes of tearful goodbyes seared television screens and front pages of newspaper across the world.

But on the last day of the year marked by the brutal war, many returned to the capital to spend New Year’s Eve with their loved ones.

As Russian attacks continue to target power supplies leaving millions without electricity, no big celebrations are expected and a curfew will be in place as the clock rings in the new year. But for most Ukrainians being together with their families is already a luxury.

Valeriia first sought refuge from the conflict in Spain but later moved to Poland. Asked what their New Year’s Eve plans were, she answered simply: “Just to be together.”

The couple declined not to share their family name for security reasons as Mykyta has been fighting on the front lines in both southern and eastern Ukraine.

On platform 8, another young couple reunited. University student Arseniia Kolomiiets, 23, has been living in Italy. Despite longing to see her boyfriend Daniel Liashchenko in Kyiv, Kolomiiets was scared of Russian missiles and drone attacks.

“He was like, ‘Please come! Please come! Please come!’” she recalled. “I decided that (being) scared is one part, but being with beloved ones on the holidays is the most important part. So, I overcome my fear and here I am now.”

Although they have no electricity at home, Liashchenko said they were looking forward to welcoming 2023 together with his family and their cat.

In an attempt to ensure residents have light during their celebrations, the regional government of Ukraine’s southwestern Odesa province is planning to limit the work of the most energy-intensive industries on Dec. 31 and Jan 1.

Regional head Maksym Marchenko made the announcement on Friday via Telegram, and said that power engineers in the province had used all means possible to “eliminate the consequences” of Russia’s barrage of attacks on Ukraine on Thursday and reinstate the power supply.

In Kyiv, recent attacks have left many on edge, unsure about whether the skies will be peaceful on the last day of the year.

“We are hoping there will be no surprises today,” said Natalya Kontonenko who had traveled from Finland. It was the first time she had seen her brother Serhii Kontonenko since the full-scale invasion began on Feb. 24. Serhii and other relatives traveled from Mykolaiv to Kyiv to meet Natalya.

“We are not concerned about the electricity, because we are together and that I think is the most important,” he said.

___

Follow AP’s coverage of the war in Ukraine: https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine

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Arizona governor’s tenure defined by push right, Trump feud

PHOENIX (AP) — Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey beamed as an excavator’s heavy claw smashed through the windows of an old state office building and began tearing off the façade.

In one of his last public appearances in mid-December, the outgoing Republican governor watched the physical manifestation of a project that has defined his eight-year tenure: tearing down state government.

Ducey also cut taxes, vastly expanded school choice, restricted abortion and built a makeshift wall on the U.S.-Mexico border in defiance of a Democratic president, checking just about every conservative box.

At a time when the conservative movement is almost singularly oriented around “owning the libs,” Ducey spent his two terms outmaneuvering Democrats to advance Republican priorities, reshaping his state in a decisively conservative direction.

Yet he leaves office Monday with a limited national profile and the enmity of GOP foot soldiers less interested in the pile of things he accomplished than the one thing he would not do: overturn then-President Donald Trump’s defeat in the state’s 2020 election.

“Ducey really gave the road map of how to govern, how to stay relatively popular and get things done,” said Mike Noble, a Phoenix-based pollster who used to work for Republicans and now focuses on nonpartisan surveys.

Democrat Katie Hobbs is becoming governor, but a Republican-controlled Legislature will limit her ability to undo much of what Ducey enacted. Ducey’s preferred successor, businesswoman Karrin Taylor Robson, lost the GOP primary to Trump-backed former television anchor Kari Lake, who rose to prominence on the right as a fierce proponent of Trump’s election lies.

Ducey offered a tepid endorsement of the entire Republican slate but did not campaign with Lake, who lost narrowly to Hobbs and continues to claim the election was marred by intentional misconduct. She frequently attacked Ducey on her way to winning the GOP nomination.

The governor also feuded openly with Kelli Ward, the state GOP chair. But despite the dominance of Lake and Ward in the current state GOP, he plays down their significance.

“They are inconsequential and have zero power,” Ducey told The Associated Press in an interview Thursday.

Ducey has said little about his plans after leaving the governor’s office. He is sometimes mentioned as a top-ticket recruit for Arizona’s 2024 Senate race or as a dark-horse candidate for president or vice president — if the GOP is interested in his brand of limited-government conservatism.

He rejected a recruitment effort by establishment Republicans to run against Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly, who was reelected in November. Ducey also has largely eschewed the social media taunts that helped Republicans such as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis build a national profile.

Ducey offered his most candid assessment of the modern GOP in a September speech at the Ronald Reagan President Library and Museum. The governor warned that “a dangerous strain of big government activism has taken hold” within the party and he lamented that a segment of the conservative movement is driven by anger instead of substance.

“I look at the party and worry that candidates are more defined by their attitudes than the policies they propose,” Ducey said. “And yes, a good many small-government conservatives have morphed into bullies — people who are very comfortable using government power to tell companies and people how to live their lives.”

Ducey walked a tightrope during Trump’s presidency, initially forging a strong alliance with him and never issuing public criticism, even when his tweets or border policies threatened to be problematic for Arizona.

But their relationship crumbled live on television, when Ducey silenced a call from Trump — signified by a “Hail to the Chief” ring tone — as the governor signed the paperwork certifying Democrat Joe Biden’s narrow presidential victory in Arizona. Trump more recently called Ducey “one of the worst governors in America.”

Democrats, including state Sen. Martín Quezada, say Ducey could have done more to help prevent Trump’s lies about the 2020 election from taking root in the state Republican Party.

Ducey avoided, for example, weighing in on an unprecedented partisan review of the 2020 election conducted by Trump supporters on behalf of Senate Republicans, an episode that became a widely mocked spectacle. He also raised millions of dollars for some of the most extreme voices in the Legislature to keep a GOP majority.

“He could have been a leader and stood on a platform and said, ‘Our elections are safe, our elections are secure and people can trust our election system,’” Quezada said. “That’s an opportunity he really missed.”

Democrats also fault Ducey for being slow to restore money for schools as the state rebounded from the Great Recession. Meager funding and stagnant wages led to a teacher walkout in 2018, culminating in a 20% raise for teachers that was brokered by Ducey. He took heat from the left for rapidly lifting his COVID-19 restrictions, which was followed by an immediate surge of deaths in the summer of 2020.

Ducey said his approach to election denialism is to “address it with facts” and recognize that there are “very good people who have been misled.”

“Sometimes you need a ‘clean up on aisle nine’ to focus the mind,” he said. “And I do think the candidates that you saw focusing on the future, rather than looking in the rearview mirror and talking about the past, were the ones that had great success.”

During his tenure, Ducey notched victories for just about every piece of the conservative coalition that defined the GOP before Trump’s 2016 victory reshaped the party’s tone and focus.

He signed a first-in-the-nation universal school voucher law, which lawmakers approved just two years after voters decisively rejected a less ambitious measure.

He backed new restrictions on abortion year after year, including a ban on terminating pregnancies after 15 weeks gestational age. A state appeals court ruled Friday the law takes precedence over a near total abortion ban that dates to the Civil War.

He expanded the state Supreme Court and packed it with conservatives, creating a legacy that will endure long after he leaves office and could further constrain Hobbs’ ambitions. He rejects comparisons to a push by liberals to expand the U.S. Supreme Court because, he says, Arizona’s high court was always expected to grow with the state.

He presided over a diversification of the state’s economy, liberally offering tax breaks and a hands-off government to technology companies and manufacturers. He inherited a massive budget deficit in 2015 and leaves with a record surplus that allowed him to cut taxes.

A native of Toledo, Ohio, Ducey graduated from Arizona State University and went on to run Cold Stone Creamery, which he built from a neighborhood ice cream shop near his alma mater into a franchised national brand.

He sold the business and turned to politics, getting elected state treasurer in 2010 and governor four years later.

As head of the Republican Governors Association, Ducey built his profile among conservative donors and GOP political operatives, relationships that could be useful if he decides to run for another office.

Ducey said he’s still considering his next move and did not rule out another run for elected office, adding, “I do think I’ve got another act or two in me.”

“I’ve loved being part of the conservative cause, and I care about it greatly,” Ducey said. “So I’m open-minded to what’s next.”

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Enemy launches missile strike on Kramatorsk

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Russian troops launched a missile strike on Kramatorsk’s industrial zone.

In accordance to Ukrinform, the head of the city’s military administration, Oleksandr Honcharenko, claimed this on Facebook.

He reported that in accordance to preliminary facts, there are no casualties.

“The hazard has not passed, continue to be in shelters,” Honcharenko said.

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The post Enemy launches missile strike on Kramatorsk appeared first on Ukraine Intelligence.

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Investigative genetic genealogy – Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investiga…

Investigative genetic genealogy – Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Investiga…
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investigative genetic genealogy – Google Search google.com/search?q=inves…

investigative genetic genealogy – Google Search google.com/search?q=inves…
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In Idaho DNA collection, finding a match the key newsnationnow.com/cuomo-show/in-…

In Idaho DNA collection, finding a match the key newsnationnow.com/cuomo-show/in-…
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