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Right backs, left backs are Brazil’s weak spots at World Cup

SAO PAULO (AP) — When Brazil coach Tite uttered the name of veteran Dani Alves in his call for the World Cup squad, reactions around the country spanned from anger to disappointment.

The Brazil coach, who has faced little criticism in his six years on the job, described his pick in a paused, not-so-confident tone.

“The criteria for Daniel Alves is the criteria for all,” Tite said. “It is about rewarding individual skill, his fitness and his mental aspect. Just like the others.”

Alves himself, however, recognized that many didn’t want him in the squad for Qatar.

“I am not here to please everyone,” he said in a video.

The rancor has nothing to do with the right back’s brilliant past, but the presence of a 39-year-old player who has struggled to play for any club in the past year laid bare the lack of options Brazil has on both flanks of the defense.

Tite’s most likely options to start at the World Cup are right back Danilo, who has become more of a central defender at Juventus, and Alex Sandro, a player with little background as a typical Brazilian left back that runs from box to box.

Neither Danilo nor Alex Sandro are regarded as two of the best in the world in their positions, such as predecessors Cafu, Roberto Carlos, Marcelo and the peak Alves of 10 years ago were. At the same time, the duo has not caused Brazil much defensive trouble, being part of a team that conceded only five goals in South American qualifying.

Alves and Alex Telles are expected to be on the bench in Qatar, with Eder Militão also capable of playing as a right back and midfielder Fabinho as a left back.

“They are OK,” former Brazil left back Junior, now a TV commentator, said this month about Tite’s options. “They are not players who will be up front all the time. They are more cautious. But I don’t see any other choices that would be better to start at this time.”

Over the last year, Tite lost another two options that could have helped.

Fagner, a 33-year-old right back who replaced an injured Alves four years ago in Russia, had a poor season at Corinthians. Former Sevilla left back Guilherme Arana picked up a knee injury in September, ruling him out of the World Cup.

Brazil’s coach also found little reason to bring back Renan Lodi, who was loaned to Nottingham Forest after struggling at Atletico Madrid.

Lodi was blamed for Brazil’s 1-0 loss to Argentina in the 2021 Copa America final, with goal scorer Ángel di Maria saying he knew the Brazilian “slept a little” during matches. The left back didn’t find any sympathy from Tite after he missed a callup earlier in the year because he wasn’t vaccinated against COVID-19.

Brazil’s right back at the World Cup, whoever he may be, could also face increased pressure playing alongside 38-year-old defender Thiago Silva.

Silva has been less consistent than usual at Chelsea, highlighted by a dreadful performance in the 4-1 loss to Brighton in the Premier League last month. A right back that can also run for an aging Silva could be key to avoid conceding goals in Qatar.

Cafu, who was on Brazil’s World Cup-winning team in 2002, said protecting Silva is one of the reasons why Tite will eventually use Militão as a starting right back during the World Cup. He also trusts Brazil to do well in Qatar regardless of the lack of options at the back.

“I don’t know why we have this shortage of players for those positions. But it is not only for the national team, we see that in clubs, too,” Cafu said in an interview last month. “Coaches are adapting midfielders to that position because they don’t know how to specifically work with right and left backs.

“Also, it is unfair to compare these players with us. Anyone playing as a right or left back today has a lot of responsibility. They have to replace people who made history for Brazil.”

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AP World Cup coverage: https://apnews.com/hub/world-cup and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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MH17 judgment day: Verdicts due against 4 suspects at trial

SCHIPHOL, Netherlands (AP) — A Dutch court is passing judgment Thursday on three Russians and a Ukrainian charged in the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 over Ukraine and the deaths of all 298 passengers and crew on board.

The verdict comes more than eight years after the Boeing 777 flying from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur was blown out of the sky on July 17, 2014, amid a conflict between pro-Russia rebels and Ukrainian forces, scattering wreckage and bodies over farmland and fields of sunflowers.

None of the suspects appeared for the trial that began in March 2020 and if they are convicted, it’s unlikely they will serve any sentence anytime soon. Prosecutors have sought life sentences for all four. Prosecutors and the suspects have two weeks to file an appeal.

The Hague District Court, sitting at a high-security courtroom at Schiphol Airport, is passing judgment against a backdrop of global geopolitical upheaval caused by Russia’s full-blown invasion of Ukraine in February and the nearly nine-month war it triggered.

Hundreds of family members of people killed traveled to the court to hear the verdict, bringing them back to the airport their loved ones left on the fateful day MH17 was shot down.

Dutch prosecutors say the missile launcher came from the 53rd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade, a unit of the Russian armed forces based in the Russian city of Kursk and was driven back there after MH17 was shot down.

The suspects aren’t accused of firing the missile but of working together to get it to the field where it was fired. They are accused of bringing down the plane and the murder of all those on board.

The most senior defendant is Igor Girkin, a 51-year-old former colonel in Russia’s Federal Security Service, or FSB. At the time of the downing, he was defense minister and commander of the armed forces of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic — the region where the plane was shot down. Girkin reportedly is currently involved in Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Also on trial are Girkin’s subordinates, Sergey Dubinskiy, Oleg Pulatov, and Leonid Kharchenko, a Ukrainian who prosecutors say was commander of a pro-Russia rebel combat unit and took orders directly from Dubinskiy.

Pulatov is the only one of the suspects who was represented by defense lawyers at the trial. They accused prosecutors of “tunnel vision” in basing their case on the findings of an international investigation into the downing while ignoring other possible causes.

Pulatov’s defense team also sought to discredit evidence and argued he didn’t get a fair trial.

In a video recording played in court, Pulatov insisted he was innocent and told judges: “What matters to me is that the truth is revealed. It’s important for me that my country is not blamed for this tragedy.”

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Congress Eyes Investigation Into Anti-Israel Bias at Biden Justice Department

The Biden administration’s decision to launch an unprecedented investigation into Israel’s accidental shooting of a Palestinian-American reporter has landed the administration in hot water with Congress, which is signaling it will launch its own probe into anti-Israel bias and politicization at the Justice Department.

Attorney General Merrick Garland and “everyone involved in this disgraceful stunt should be investigated and then either fired or impeached,” Sen. Ted Cruz (R., Texas) told the Washington Free Beacon. The senator’s comments come just days after the Justice Department shocked the American Jewish community and Israeli government when it announced it would investigate the May 2022 shooting of Shireen Abu Akleh, a Palestinian-American Al Jazeera reporter who was killed during a standoff between Israeli forces and Palestinian terrorists. Congressional investigators want to know who signed off on this investigation and whether it was motivated by anti-Israel bias.

The DOJ’s investigation comes after Israel in coordination with the U.S. State Department conducted its own investigation into the matter. Israel determined Abu Akleh was killed by a stray bullet fired by an Israeli soldier and deemed the death accidental. The State Department said it was satisfied with the investigation, but Biden’s DOJ overrode this assessment on Monday when it informed the Israeli government the FBI would get involved.

Cruz and other congressional officials who spoke to the Free Beacon said the DOJ’s decision to target Israel is the result of the federal law enforcement agency’s politicization under President Joe Biden. Biden Justice Department appointee Kristen Clarke, for instance, came under fire during her Senate confirmation hearing after the Free Beacon revealed she edited a law journal that featured an anti-Semitic black nationalist who peddles conspiracy theories about Jews. The only way to root out this bias, sources said, is for Congress to launch an investigation into the DOJ’s anti-Israel agenda, which has been fueled by a cadre of anti-Semitic lawmakers in Congress known as “the Squad.” These lawmakers, which include Reps. Ilhan Omar (D., Minn.) and Rashida Tlaib (D., Mich.), pressured the DOJ for months to investigate the Abu Akleh shooting.

Garland is “using the FBI to attack and undermine one of our closest allies at the behest of the anti-Semitic Squad,” Cruz said. “Merrick Garland has already done more damage to the FBI’s credibility and legitimacy than anyone in history, including [Richard] Nixon’s [attorney general] who was literally sent to prison.”

Two senior congressional officials tracking the situation told the Free Beacon that the DOJ should prepare to face its own probe into politicized weaponization.

“We’re going to find out who thought it was a good idea to unleash the FBI on Israel and reopen something that everyone else—including the president’s State Department—had already resolved,” said one of the sources, who was not authorized to speak on the record.

The second source, also not authorized to speak on record, said the DOJ’s probe is the result of the president hiring far-left progressive activists, including anti-Israel agitators, who are now working at all levels of government.

“Biden has seemingly filled every department with woke activists who hate Israel, and now they’re burrowing in,” said the source, a veteran congressional official who works on Israeli issues. “They’re everywhere. It’s going to take years of investigations and work, and ultimately a new president, to even begin to fix the problem.”

Pro-Israel organizations are also applying pressure on Congress to find out why the DOJ decided to reopen the Abu Akleh case.

“It is both shocking and appalling that the Department of Justice has allowed anti-Israel Members of Congress to pressure an allegedly independent arm of the executive branch into this investigation,” Pastor John Hagee, founder of Christians United for Israel (CUFI), the nation’s largest pro-Israel advocacy organization, said in a statement.

A senior official with a pro-Israel organization told the Free Beacon the DOJ probe “smacks of politics.” The probe was announced shortly after conservative Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu—who was close with former president Donald Trump—was reelected as the country’s prime minister.

“This investigation, coupled with its being made public coming one week after the midterms, smacks of politics,” said the source, who could only speak on background while criticizing the administration.

A State Department spokesman declined to answer Free Beacon questions about what changed in the time between its assessment the case was resolved adequately and the DOJ’s backtrack. The DOJ declined to comment on the matter.

Israeli leaders have made clear they will not comply with the DOJ.

“Our soldiers will not be investigated by the FBI or by any other foreign country or entity, however friendly it may be,” outgoing Israeli prime minister Yair Lapid said on Tuesday. “The IDF thoroughly investigates any irregular event and is committed to the values and laws of democracy.”

The post Congress Eyes Investigation Into Anti-Israel Bias at Biden Justice Department appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.

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Before Pulling Out of Rankings, Yale Law School Took a Hit on Key Metric

Yale Law School dean Heather Gerken is framing the school’s decision to pull out of the U.S. News & World Report law-school rankings as an altruistic one, arguing that the “profoundly flawed” rankings “disincentivize programs that support public interest careers.”

But a closer look at those rankings suggests that Yale, which has over the past year been the locus of a fierce debate about free speech and drawn unwanted attention for its response to campus controversies, may have had a selfish reason to jump ship. The elite law school was starting to slip on one of the key indicators that determine a law school’s overall ranking, according to U.S. News & World Report‘s published methodology, raising questions about how long it would continue to occupy the number-one slot.

The “peer assessment” score is a measure of how deans and tenured professors across the country rate a law school’s quality on a scale of 1 to 5. Accounting for 25 percent of each school’s overall rank, this metric is the single most important factor in U.S. News & World Report law-school rankings—and one reason why Yale consistently lands at the top of them.

For many years, the law school’s peer assessment score hovered between a 4.8 and a 4.9, which meant it usually tied or exceeded Harvard and Stanford’s scores. But in March 2022—amid the free speech controversies, including the administration’s abuse and intimidation of a second-year law student, that thrust the top-ranked school into the national spotlight—Yale’s peer assessment score dropped to 4.6, its lowest in over a decade.

Though the drop didn’t dislodge Yale from its number-one position overall, it did put the school behind Harvard and Stanford in the reputational rankings, a sign that the law school’s perch was more precarious than it once seemed. Further hits to the peer assessment score could have pushed Yale to second or third place for the first time since U.S. News & World Report began ranking law schools, shattering a major source of its prestige.

A few hours after Yale’s announcement, Harvard Law said that it would also be pulling out of the rankings, a decision it claimed had been in the works for “several months.” The school saw a slight drop in its peer assessment score, from 4.8 in 2021 to 4.7 in 2022.

Yale Law School did not respond to a request for comment.

In recent months, Gerken has struggled to fend off a series of public relations disasters related to the political climate on campus and the administration’s response to it.

Between September and October, 14 federal judges, including James Ho of the 5th Circuit and Elizabeth Branch of the 11th Circuit, said they would no longer hire clerks from Yale Law School, citing concerns about free speech and intellectual diversity. They pointed to a September 2021 incident in which administrators pressured second-year law student Trent Colbert to apologize for using the term “traphouse” in an email, as well as an incident from early March in which hundreds of students disrupted a bipartisan panel on civil liberties.

The clerkship boycott prompted Yale Law to issue a statement affirming its “commitment to the free and unfettered exchange of ideas,” which outlined a number of steps the law school was taking to protect free speech—a tacit indication that administrators, including Gerken, are aware they have a problem on their hands.

Gerken’s statement about the school’s decision to pull out of the rankings did not address the drop in its peer assessment score. Instead, she blasted an “ill-conceived” system that “stands squarely in the way of progress,” announcing that the “rankings process is undermining the core commitments of the legal profession.” As a result, she said, “we will no longer participate.”

The post Before Pulling Out of Rankings, Yale Law School Took a Hit on Key Metric appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.

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Meet the Democratic Grifters Who Profited From the 2022 Midterms

The balance of power in Washington is still up for grabs after a contentious midterm election, but one group can celebrate regardless of which party comes out on top: the anti-Trump political action committees whose leaders pocketed the money they ostensibly raised to attack the former president.

These groups raised millions from progressive donors, pledging that their funds would help elect Democrats across the country. The Democratic Coalition, which senator-elect John Fetterman’s (D., Pa.) campaign slammed as a “scam PAC,” spent just $2,840 of the $375,000 it’s raised on campaign advertisements, but doled out $65,000 to executive director Scott Dworkin’s consulting firm. Dworkin was one of several Democratic grifters who came together at an Oct. 21 White House social media summit.

This was the latest election cycle where anti-Trump PACs profited without making a real impact. The Lincoln Project, whose cofounder once touted the organization as a vehicle for its leaders to attain “generational wealth,” raked in $90 million during the 2020 election cycle, over half of which went to its founders’ consulting firms, according to Fox Business. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D., N.Y.) in 2020 dismissed the group as a “scam.” Wary of its reputation, Ohio Democratic Senate candidate Tim Ryan’s campaign begged the Lincoln Project to stay away from the race in May.

Dworkin, whose Democratic Coalition doled out $128,000 to its top employees and consultants, was in good company at the White House’s October summit. Also in attendance was the executive editor of Occupy Democrats, whose Election Fund raised $1.3 million in the midterm cycle and paid $250,000 to a consulting firm owned by cofounder Omar Rivero, all while spending just $120,590 on political advertisements, according to Federal Election Commission records.

In a since-deleted tweet, Rivero defended the quarter-million-dollar payout, saying “If you understood the time and effort that goes into making viral memes—and the impact that they have—you might respect our work more.”

Rivero told Newsweek in September that there was nothing wrong with the Occupy Democrats Election Fund paying employees for their work. He touted that his group delivered “over 12.3 million meme impressions, over 1.2 million engagements, and over 100,000 shares” with its $50,000 investment in the failed 2021 effort to recall California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D.).

The founders of the anti-Trump group MeidasTouch also rubbed shoulders at the White House social media summit. Founded by three brothers in March 2020, the progressive super PAC claims to have racked up more than a billion views for viral videos it creates for “fractions of pennies on the dollar.”

The super PAC raised $2.4 million in the 2022 cycle, $1.1 million of which was paid to a consulting firm called Prestige WW that, according to Rolling Stone, shares an “unusual financial relationship” with MeidasTouch cofounder Brett Meiselas. MeidasTouch spent just $240,000 on political advertisements during the midterms, FEC records show.

Prestige WW, which draws its name from the 2008 Will Ferrell comedy Step Brothers, pays Meiselas consulting fees for his services as the super PAC’s treasurer. Adav Noti, a former Federal Election Commission lawyer, told Rolling Stone in April 2021 that MeidasTouch’s lack of transparency surrounding its arrangement with the consulting firm likely ran afoul of campaign finance laws.

“That’s not OK,” said Noti, who now serves as the legal director for the Campaign Legal Center watchdog group. “If the PAC is paying the company just as a pass-through for the money to get to its treasurer or to some fundraising company or whatever, what they need to be disclosing are the ultimate payments to those recipients.”

The Democratic Coalition, Occupy Democrats, and MeidasTouch did not return requests for comment.

The post Meet the Democratic Grifters Who Profited From the 2022 Midterms appeared first on Washington Free Beacon.

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Analysis: Libya“s festering crisis risks slide back to war

2022-11-17T10:35:05Z

As its political stalemate festers, Libya risks sliding back towards civil war with diplomacy at a standstill, politicians thwarting progress towards elections and military leaders including eastern commander Khalifa Haftar threatening violence.

A move by forces aligned with the Tripoli government this week to blockade a meeting by a legislative body, a bout of deadly fighting in August and Haftar’s warnings of a new war all underscore the risks.

With the new U.N. envoy Abdoulaye Bathily warning in a first report this week that “some institutional players are actively hindering progress towards elections” there seems little prospect of any real move towards a settled peace.

“No one is talking about elections any more. The game playing that political leaders are doing is always to obstruct. It’s all delaying tactics,” said Otman Gajiji, a former Libyan electoral commission head.

In Tripoli, many people fear that continued gridlock raises the chances of violence, which has flared several times in the capital this year and always risks escalating into wider conflict.

“The crisis is mainly getting prolonged because those in power seek their own interests, not those of Libyans,” said Adel al-Sheikh, 39, a Tripoli shop owner.

Fair national elections were the only solution, he said. “Otherwise we won’t have a stable country and for sure there will be more wars,” he added.

The prospect of more conflict would not only create misery for ordinary Libyans: the stakes are also high for an inattentive world.

War could mean a new theatre for Russia-Western friction on the Mediterranean, cuts to Libya’s 1.2 million barrels-per-day oil output during a global energy shortage, a space for Islamist militants to prosper and fuel for a global migration crisis.

Libya has had little open warfare since the 2020 ceasefire that ended Haftar’s last assault on Tripoli, the culmination of years of division between factions who emerged during a 2011 NATO-backed uprising and split between east and west in 2014.

On the surface, Libya’s political standoff seems defined by disputes over an eventual constitution, the rules of a future election, regional divisions of wealth and the shape of a transitional government.

However, many Libyans suspect that behind the public facade of each faction’s avowed support for elections, none has much interest in a long-term resolution because each benefits from the messy status quo.

National elections could sweep away most of the squabbling political forces that have dominated Libya through years of institutional division, outright warfare and unstable peace.

In Tripoli, Prime Minister Abdulhamid al-Dbeibah runs the Government of National Unity, installed early last year through a U.N.-backed process to oversee a short transition that was meant to culminate in elections last year.

His government’s direct access to oil revenue through the Central Bank and spending on development projects run by political allies has drawn repeated accusations of widespread corruption, which Dbeibah denies.

The eastern parliament has rejected his legitimacy since last year’s election process fell apart amid disputes over the rules. It backs a separate administration under Fathi Bashagha, urging its own plan for an election.

However, the parliament’s own term formally expired years ago and critics of the speaker, Aguila Saleh, accuse him of playing loose with legislative rules to issue laws aimed at consolidating his power base, something he also denies.

Another legislative body, the High State Council, whose legitimacy stems from a 2012 election and a political agreement that was never fully implemented, has moved back and forth on the issues, furthering hindering any prospect of a deal.

However, even if elites are unwilling to upset the status quo through a long-term political settlement, there is no guarantee they will not upset it by returning to arms.

Haftar remains entrenched in eastern and southern Libya and his recent speeches, appearing to threaten a new war if the political stalemate persists, reveal a man again chafing to expand his influence to the capital.

“We are waging the decisive battle for liberation, whatever the price and however long it takes,” he said on October 31, adding that unnamed corrupt leaders “will not escape punishment – the armed forces will not allow it.”

In Tripoli itself, and the rest of the northwest, two years of ceasefire have scrambled the military coalition of armed factions that had fought off Haftar’s assault.

That was brought home in August when rival factions fought in the worst battle in the capital for years as Bashagha attempted to enter the city. He turned back and groups aligned with him were pushed out of Tripoli, leaving Dbeibah more firmly ensconced there.

Recent fighting in Tripoli has allowed one powerful group to consolidate its hold over territory, but its rivals still exist and could mount new attempts to win sway.

With Turkish forces still present around Tripoli and able to fend off any major assault there with drone strikes, battles between rival groups in the northwest present the most likely trigger for any wider conflict involving Haftar.

Related Galleries:

Members of the military personnel arrive to take part in a parade calling for parliamentary and presidential election, at Martyr’s square in Tripoli, Libya February 12, 2022. REUTERS/Nada Harib/File Photo

Protesters set fire to the Libyan parliament building after protests against the failure of the government in Tobruk, Libya July 1, 2022. REUTERS/Stringer/File Photo

Holes are seen in the windshield of a destroyed car following clashes in Tripoli, Libya August 28, 2022. REUTERS/Hazem Ahmed/File Photo
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Eurotopics – Missile Explosion in Poland: What Comes Next?

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Avoid escalation

Nothing suggests Russia is deliberately attacking Nato territory, the BBC reassures its readers:

“What matters here is what the intended target was, whoever fired the missile. And so far there is no indication that Russia was intentionally targeting anywhere beyond Ukraine’s borders. The Kremlin knows that such a move would potentially trigger Article 5 of Nato’s constitution, theoretically bringing the entire alliance to Poland’s defence. That is not a place Nato wants to be in, especially just a day after Russia and America’s spy chiefs have just been meeting to discuss how to avoid unnecessary escalation in this war.”

Half-hearted response the most likely

If Russia is responsible, Tygodnik Powszechny sees three different scenarios:

“The first: pretend that nothing happened. … The second, half-hearted option: we make good on our declarations with limited action, for example moving parts of Poland’s air defence closer to the border. … We use the situation to up the pressure on the allies to supply Ukraine with effective air defence systems more quickly and on a larger scale. … And finally the third option: we use the situation to change the policy towards Russian aggression and take a truly resolute stance. … Of these three options, the second seems the most likely today.”

The missile defence system failed

Poland is more vulnerable than it has been led to believe, Onet worries:

“We still don’t know whether it was a Russian or a Ukrainian missile that fell on Polish territory. … Be that as it may, the Nato missile defence system has now been tested. … Our biggest problem at the moment is that the system didn’t work, and that the Russians know it. In March, US President Joe Biden declared in Warsaw that the Atlantic Alliance would protect every inch of Nato territory. Today it has become clear that, for the time being, this protection has failed across the board.”

Time for peace

Once again we must push for negotiations, Avvenire urges:

“If we were really dealing with a deliberate Russian attack, a targeted provocation, we would be plunged into the nightmare that only yesterday the signals from the US-Chinese summit in Bali seemed to avert. The other two hypotheses – error or coincidence – could, if the political protagonists are up to the task of these dramatic circumstances, even strengthen the effort to find a negotiated way out of a war that brings us to the brink of Armageddon. … For nine months now we have remained on this insane brink while weapons are sent and death and devastation are sown. It is time to bring about peace.”

Neither routine nor an emergency

Commenting on Poland’s request to convene a Nato meeting on the basis of Article 4 rather than Article 5 of the defence case, La Stampa says:

“Poland has asked for a meeting of the Atlantic Council, but within the framework of Article 4, which provides for consultations in situations of potential security threats. It is not a day-to-day matter, but neither is it an emergency. … This is a sign that Warsaw, while blaming Moscow for the incident, does not feel it has been militarily attacked. Nato’s collective defence [set out in Article 5] is not triggered automatically. It must be requested and unanimously approved by all allies. This is not the case today. This does not change the fact that Moscow is playing with fire.”

The post Eurotopics – Missile Explosion in Poland: What Comes Next? appeared first on Kyiv Post.

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Russian missiles hit critical infrastructure in Kharkiv region, three injured

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Russian troops introduced a missile attack on essential infrastructure in the Izium district, Kharkiv region, injuring three people today.

Oleh Syniehubov, the head of the Kharkiv regional armed service administration, mentioned this in a statement on Telegram, Ukrinform reports.

“Russian occupiers introduced missile strikes on the Izium district. Vital infrastructure was hit. Sadly, a few staff have been hurt. The adult men ended up hospitalized,” the report said.

On November 17, Russian troops attacked different locations in Ukraine with missiles and Shahed drones.

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France faces weight of history in bid to retain World Cup

PARIS (AP) — As well as coping with injuries to key players again, France has the weight of World Cup history to contend with in Qatar.

Good luck, Les Bleus.

Not since Brazil lost the 1998 final to France has the defending champion come close to retaining the title.

Of the next five World Cup defending champions, four failed to reach the knockout stage and three finished last in their group.

As World Cup champions in 1998, many favored France to win again in 2002, especially with the front line featuring top scorers from three major European leagues.

France boasted Arsenal striker Thierry Henry, Juventus marksman David Trezeguet and rising talent Djibril Cisse in a glittering attack blending speed, skill and power. But the French flopped and, with an injured Zinedine Zidane unable to perform properly in midfield, limped out of the group stage without winning a game.

It was one of the greatest shocks in World Cup history, and the warning signs are chillingly similar this time.

Defending champion France boasts arguably the best attack in the world with Ballon d’Or winner Karim Benzema alongside 2018 World Cup star Kylian Mbappe, with either Antoine Griezmann or Olivier Giroud to support them.

Speed, skill and power.

But, like in 2002, France also has problems in midfield, with World Cup winners Paul Pogba and N’Golo Kante both out injured, depriving coach Didier Deschamps of his engine room. Central defender Raphael Varane, another mainstay from four years ago, is trying to recover from a hamstring injury.

Here’s a look at where it went wrong for France in 2002, Brazil four years later in 2006, Italy in 2010, Spain in 2014 and Germany in 2018.

FRANCE in 2002

What could go wrong for a France team with Zidane playing behind Henry, Trezeguet and Cisse in a group featuring Senegal, Uruguay and Denmark?

The first mistake coach Roger Lemerre made was picking Zidane in a warmup against South Korea five days before the tournament. He limped off with a thigh injury that ruled him out of the first two group games, and he was rushed back for the last.

France, however, still had the core of its victorious team from 1998. Youri Djorkaeff was in the midfield alongside Patrick Vieira, who had just won the Premier League and FA Cup double with Arsenal teammate Henry. There was also Emmanuel Petit, who had scored in the 3-0 win over Brazil in the last final.

But in the opening match of 2002, Papa Bouba Diop scored the lone goal for Senegal in a 1-0 win over the defending champions.

France’s hopes of bouncing back took a hit when Henry was sent off after 25 minutes for a reckless challenge in a 0-0 draw against Uruguay.

That left France needing to beat Denmark by two goals. A strapped-up Zidane did what he could but France lost 2-0 and went home in embarrassment.

BRAZIL in 2006

Brazil boasted a team packed with stars, featuring the showboating brilliance of Ronaldinho; the sharp-shooting of Ronaldo and Adriano; the marauding runs of Cafu, and the swirling long-range free kicks of Juninho. Ronaldinho even had a personalized headband with his own initial “R” written in gold.

There was a sense that Brazil might be a little overconfident in the quarterfinals against a France team featuring a rejuvenated Zidane.

And that’s the way it turned out.

Zidane produced one of the most dazzling midfield performances in World Cup history. His incredible skill, balletic balance and pirouetting moves bamboozled Brazil, and his free kick set up Henry for a volley — the only goal of the match.

ITALY in 2010

Just like France in 2002, Italy finished at the bottom of its group.

At least the Italians scored — four times — but the group looked a bit easier: Paraguay, New Zealand and Slovakia.

Italy made a poor start and needed an equalizer from midfielder Daniele De Rossi to get a draw against Paraguay. Worse followed for the four-time champions: a 1-1 draw with New Zealand, which took an early lead through unheralded forward Shane Smeltz. In the final group game, Italy was in tatters and trailed 2-0 against Slovakia before losing 3-2.

Italy coach Marcello Lippi just couldn’t seem to get the balance right, unlike in 2006. His team conceded too easily even with Fabio Cannavaro and Giorgio Chiellini in central defense, and had problems up front. Vincenzo Iaquinta, Antonio Di Natale and Fabio Quagliarella did score but first-choice striker Alberto Gilardino failed to.

Gilardino had been in good form with AC Milan that season and was known for a peculiar goal celebration, sinking to his knees to play the violin.

This time, Gilardino had nothing to celebrate.

SPAIN in 2014

It was quite the rude awakening for Spain coach Vicente del Bosque after back-to-back major trophies.

European champion Spain’s opening game ended in a 5-1 loss to the Netherlands — despite a tough central defensive pairing of Sergio Ramos and Gerard Pique and a slick midfield including Barcelona greats Xavi Hernandez and Andres Iniesta.

In the next game, Spain was unable to stop conceding and lost to Chile 2-0 with both goals coming in the first half.

A 3-0 win over Australia was scant consolation for a star-studded Spain team, whose slide symbolized how two golden eras were coming to an end. Barcelona’s glory years, which centered around the passing of Xavi and Iniesta, coincided with Spain’s successes at Euro 2008, the 2010 World Cup and Euro 2012.

GERMANY in 2018

So much for ruthless Germany, the attacking machine that put seven goals past Brazil in the semifinals at the previous World Cup on the way to its fourth title.

From the outset, Germany struggled in Russia, losing a scrappy game 1-0 to Mexico and then needing a goal from midfielder Toni Kroos in the fifth minute of injury time to beat Sweden.

That should have been enough of a wake-up call.

Germany needed to beat South Korea to have a shot at advancing, but instead conceded two goals deep in stoppage time after squandering many chances to score.

The loss was met with disbelief back home, a feeling familiar to that star-studded France team 20 years ago.

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AP World Cup coverage: https://apnews.com/hub/world-cup and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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S. Korea’s leader discusses megaprojects with Saudi prince

SEOUL, South Korea (AP) — South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol hoped for greater cooperation with Saudi Arabia — including on its $500 billion futuristic desert city project — as he met the kingdom’s powerful crown prince Thursday, Seoul officials said.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman flew to South Korea earlier Thursday for talks with Yoon and business tycoons in his first visit to South Korea since June 2019.

During talks attended by senior officials from both countries, Yoon said he hopes that South Korean companies will participate in megaprojects in Saudi Arabia such as Neom, a futuristic, carbon-free city planned along the kingdom’s Red Sea coast, Yoon’s office in a statement.

Yoon also wanted the two countries to cooperate on defense industries and the development of hydrogen and other new energies and promote tourism and cultural exchanges, the statement said. Prince Mohammed said he wants to drastically expand bilateral cooperation on the areas of infrastructure construction, energy and defense industries, Yoon’s office said.

The prince’s trip to South Korea spawned hopes that South Korean companies’ active participations in the Neom city project would greatly invigorate the country’s economy, like a previous construction boom in the Middle East backed up South Korea’s rapid economic rise in the 1970s.

“There are political and geopolitical risks in Middle East and it’s true that there are questions about the Neom city project. … But the Neom city can still be a new breakthrough for the South Korean economy,” the Maeil Business newspaper said Wednesday in an editorial. “The (South Korean) government must support a possible second Middle East boom by reforming regulations.”

The Neom project envisions flying cars and a 170-kilometer (105-mile) -long, zero-carbon emissions city that’s entirely enclosed and powered by Artificial Intelligence. In 2017, when Prince Mohammed announced plans to build the city, he said that “this will be a place for the dreamers of the world.”

Some observers say Prince Mohammed hopes the city will become a skyline-studded Saudi version of Dubai that will offer the kingdom jobs and cement a future beyond its vast crude oil reserves. It also would reframe a rule so far colored by the killing of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi and the kingdom’s grinding war in Yemen.

“Some people say the idea of the Neom city project is too utopian and doubt whether it can be really established,” said Paik Seunghoon, principal researcher at the Institute of Middle East Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul. “But it’s one of the projects that Prince (Mohammed) is pushing hard so that he will try to have (the Neom project) running to some extent.”

Joo Won, deputy director at the Seoul-based Hyundai Research Institute, noted that there have been “more negative views toward the project” than positive ones.

“It’s a matter of financial resources. Saudi Arabia needs money to build such a city. During the period of high oil prices like these days, they can afford it. But oil prices would go down one day and the project could stop,” Joo said

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