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Opinion | Kamala Harris Is Stuck

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Credit…Sebastian Hidalgo for The New York Times

By Jeffrey Frank

Mr. Frank, a New York writer, is the author of two biographies about presidents and vice presidents, “The Trials of Harry S. Truman” and “Ike and Dick: Portrait of a Strange Political Marriage.”

Just months after being sworn in as president in 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower gave an unusual task to his vice president, Richard Nixon.

Years earlier, when Eisenhower was the supreme commander of the Allied forces in World War II, he was distressed over the unpreparedness of Vice President Harry Truman upon President Franklin Roosevelt’s sudden death. Now president at 62, a former four-pack-a-day smoker with what would become a serious heart condition, Eisenhower understood the importance of training a vice president for the presidency; Nixon had just six years’ experience as a congressman and senator from California before becoming Eisenhower’s running mate.

The president had no great liking for Nixon, whom he barely knew, but he gave him a lot to do — including dispatching the vice president and his wife, Pat, on what would become a 68-day trip through Asia and the Middle East. In the fall of 1953, the Nixons visited Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, India, Pakistan, Iran and Libya — the first of many chances for the vice president to establish personal ties with foreign leaders.

It was a deep education in diplomacy and statesmanship that served Nixon well. And the reviews were good; an enthusiastic story in Life magazine said that Nixon had established himself as “a mover and shaker of national and world affairs.”

Vice President Kamala Harris, who was a first-term senator from California before entering the White House, hasn’t been given the sort of immersive experiences or sustained, high-profile tasks that would deepen and broaden her expertise in ways Americans could see and appreciate. In the modern era, of course, a 68-day trip for a vice president would be laughable. But over the past 18 months, her on-the-job training in governing has largely involved intractable issues like migration and voting rights where she has not shown demonstrable growth in leadership and hit-or-miss trips overseas like the troubled foray in Central America a year ago and the more successful delegation to meet with the United Arab Emirates’ new president, leading a team that included Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.

If other presidents have formed substantive partnerships in office with their V.P.s and made efforts to deepen their experience, President Biden and Ms. Harris have been unable to do so or uninterested in bringing about a similar transformation. From the outside, there’s little evidence that the Biden White House feels much of the urgency felt by General Eisenhower to enhance the role and preparedness of the person who might inherit the presidency at any moment.

Mr. Biden’s announcement last week that he tested positive for the coronavirus underscores the clear and present need for the 79-year-old leader, his aides and Ms. Harris to find ways for her to become a true governing partner rather than just a political partner who helped him get elected. This isn’t simply about being fair to Ms. Harris or elevating her as some other vice presidents have been elevated; Americans deserve to know and see that they have a vice president who is trusted by White House and administration officials to take over, should anything happen to the president.

Instead, we have mostly seen the opposite. She is hampered by Mr. Biden’s unpopularity, to be sure, but she has also not become the successful public face on any major issue. Recently she has energetically undertaken a “How Dare They” tour, as a Politico headline described her trips attacking Republicans on abortion rights after the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade — but this work only underscores the narrowness of her political role. It’s meant to whip up the Democratic base, a basic job of vice presidents. It’s not something that shows she is capable of assuming the presidency or gives Americans reasons to view her as a viable leader for a country in dire need of leadership.

The often shaky history of relationships between presidents and vice presidents — be it Roosevelt and Henry Wallace or, more recently, George H.W. Bush and Dan Quayle — is instructive not just in models for successful governance but also in the critical importance of having a skillful and well-prepared No. 2.

That Ms. Harris has been stuck in a political role is troubling for anyone concerned about the stability and continuity of the executive branch. No American president has celebrated his 80th birthday while in office, as Mr. Biden is set to do on Nov. 20. He is, thankfully, experiencing “very mild symptoms” of Covid, according to his press secretary, but it’s still hard to ignore actuarial reality and the plain fact that he appears frailer than a man or woman of 60 (or, for that matter, his 57-year-old vice president).

Of the 15 vice presidents who became president, eight came to office after the death of a president. (Four of those eight were later elected on their own.) That gives the vice presidency a sober weightiness, even when the presidential candidate and running mate are pictures of middle-aged vitality, like Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale in 1976 or Bill Clinton and Al Gore in 1992.

A penumbra of frailty has shadowed the modern presidency. It clung to Roosevelt by the end of his third term, though, because it was wartime, was rarely discussed publicly. It touched the 70-year-old Ronald Reagan, shot and wounded by a would-be assassin in March 1981, and Eisenhower, in September 1955, when the 64-year-old president suffered a major heart attack. Mortality was often on Eisenhower’s mind. In 1954, as he mulled running for a second term, he referred in his diary to “the greater likelihood that a man of 70 will break down under a load than a man of 50,” and above all, the “growing severity and complexity of problems that rest upon the president for solution.”

Ms. Harris is not to blame for her relative paucity of national and international experience. She had been in the Senate less than four years when Mr. Biden selected her, and he did so knowing that she had never served in an executive role. But since he tapped her as his running mate in August 2020, we’ve learned that her bonds with him and key administration officials are relatively thin. It’s no small matter that she’s had only a handful of private lunches this year with Mr. Biden. And after her first lunch with Mr. Blinken, in February 2021, she reportedly expected their lunches to continue, as they had for then-Vice President Biden with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Such interaction had been customary; for instance, in the late 1950s, Vice President Nixon formed an almost filial relationship with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Regular Harris-Blinken lunches, though, didn’t happen (although the two have met, have talked by phone and have had what one State Department official called “regular engagements” and “regular interaction”).

A deeply reported new book by two Times reporters, Jonathan Martin and Alexander Burns, “This Will Not Pass: Trump, Biden, and the Battle for America’s Future,” paints an authoritative portrait of the Biden-Harris relationship — or absence of one. It describes how Mr. Biden’s advisers were willing to overlook Ms. Harris’s weaknesses in favor of Mr. Biden’s immediate political interests and saw that her chief value came from helping to win the 2020 election. She was a historic choice, becoming the first woman, the first African American and the first South Asian American to serve as vice president. As for presidential readiness, Mr. Biden was more focused on putting together a multiracial coalition, to reflect the nation’s diversity in his administration.

Ms. Harris has been a regular target of negative stories — about staff disarray and departures or her annoyance that White House staff members didn’t stand when she entered a room or even her discomfort in some media interviews. She has also faced double standards in how she is seen and judged, as many women and people of color are, including when they are firsts in jobs.

But she’s also not the first vice president to be sniped at and frustrated by a job whose constitutional duties are to preside over the Senate and count electoral votes. Lyndon Johnson, once the powerful, bullying Senate majority leader, felt like an outsider when he was John F. Kennedy’s vice president. Mr. Biden himself, for all his vaunted closeness to President Barack Obama, resisted what he felt were attempts by the White House to control him during the eight years he served as vice president. But Mr. Johnson and Mr. Biden were Washington veterans; so, for that matter, was Mr. Bush, Mr. Reagan’s vice president. Ms. Harris was a newbie when it came to foreign policy and Washington infighting.

Today, not only are Mr. Biden’s age and health subjects of discussion — more so after his Covid-19 diagnosis — but so is whether he will run for a second term. Over the past six months, with Mr. Biden’s approval rating dropping sharply, dozens of Democratic strategists and officials have been expressing doubts about his skill as a leader and viability as a candidate; some want Mr. Biden to drop out, the sooner the better. In a time of inflation not seen for decades, mass shootings and a persistent pandemic, many Democrats view the November midterm elections with dread.

That’s also bad news for Ms. Harris, whose poor performance as a presidential candidate in 2019 led her to drop out before the Iowa caucuses. Mr. Biden’s declarations that he will run again seem only to encourage his opponents. Her absence from the executive branch, as a crisis manager and a shaper of policy, leaves her as a fairly weak heir apparent. Democrats, if not other Americans, would benefit if she could bring a compelling and varied set of experiences and ideas from her time in the White House to a competitive Democratic presidential primary race, giving more solid choices to voters and adding substantively to the debate.

The 2024 presidential campaign, in any case, is likely to be unusually ugly, fought over familiar contentious issues and with many Republicans willing to repeat, without shame or embarrassment, Donald Trump’s lies about the validity of the 2020 election, thus challenging the legitimacy of American democracy. With the government itself under siege from a new class of enemies within and with more than two years to go until the next presidential election, Mr. Biden must not only find a way to infuse his party with enthusiasm and fresh purpose but also fulfill an urgent obligation — to his party and the nation — to hasten and advance the education and authority of his vice president.

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Putin Declares America Is Russia’s Top Threat

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by John Hayward

Russian leader Vladimir Putin on Sunday signed a military document that declared the United States is the primary threat to Russian security.

It was the first update to Russia’s naval doctrine since 2015, when changes were made following Russia’s annexation of the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine.

Sunday was Navy Day, a national holiday established by Putin’s decree in 2017 celebrated with a huge parade of military vessels on the Neva river in St. Petersburg, a venue chosen to honor Tsar Peter the Great for establishing Russia as a major naval power.

“The Main Naval Parade includes the maritime, airborne and ground components to give a complete picture of the modern Russian Navy. In all, 47 combat ships, boats and submarines of Russia’s Northern, Pacific, Baltic and Black Sea Fleets are participating in the Main Naval Parade on the Neva River and in the Kronshtadt roadstead,” the state-run Tass news service reported.

The parade also included over 40 naval aircraft, including helicopters, transports, fighters, bombers, and about 3,500 personnel.

Before launching the naval parade with a congratulatory address to Russia’s sailors, Putin signed a 55-page document that laid out the strategic goals of the Russian Navy. The document said the primary threat faced by Russia is “the strategic policy of the USA to dominate the world’s oceans,” coupled with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) advance on Russia’s land borders.

“Guided by this doctrine, the Russian Federation will firmly and resolutely defend its national interests in the world’s oceans, and having sufficient maritime power will guarantee their security and protection,” the new naval doctrine said.

In this undated video grab provided by Russian Defense Ministry Press Service, Russia's Varyag missile cruiser fires a cruise missile as part of the Russian navy manoeuvres in the Bering Sea. The Russian navy has conducted massive war games near Alaska involving dozens of ships and aircraft, the biggest such drills in the area since Soviet times. (Russian Defense Ministry Press Service via AP)

Russia’s Varyag missile cruiser fires a cruise missile as part of the Russian navy manoeuvres in the Bering Sea. (Russian Defense Ministry Press Service via AP)

To this end, the document said Russia will seek greater strategic and naval cooperation with nations like Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and India – the latter two being major U.S. strategic partners.

The doctrine also urged Russia to consolidate its naval strength in the Black and Azov Seas following the invasion of Ukraine. It described the Arctic as an area of special concern for Russia, a focus that is making American planners nervous about the safety of U.S. and allied assets in that remote region.

Radio Free Europe (RFE) noted Putin listed several other bodies of water where Russia would protect its interests by “all means,” including the Okhotsk and Bering Seas and the Baltic and Kuril Straits. Russia has disputed maritime borders with other powers in several of these regions.

During his Navy Day speech, Putin promised Zircon hypersonic missiles would be delivered to Russian warships within the next few months. Putin frequently boasts these missiles move so fast that American anti-missile systems cannot stop them. He also boasts that Russia is leading the world in all aspects of hypersonic technology and consequently does have effective defenses against American hypersonic weapons.

The Russian military said it has successfully tested Zircon missiles several times this year and even claims to have deployed them twice in combat in Ukraine. The Pentagon declined to confirm whether Zircons have been used in Ukraine and said in any event they would not be a “game changer.”

Putin said on Navy Day that hypersonic missiles would give Russia the ability to “respond with lightning speed to all who decides to infringe on our sovereignty and freedom.”

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Biden to address nation at 7:30pm on successful counterterrorism raid

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Published: 22:14 BST, 1 August 2022 | Updated: 23:08 BST, 1 August 2022

President Joe Biden will address the nation Monday night about a successful counterterrorism operation regarding al Qaeda, the White House announced.

A U.S. strike this week weekend in Afghanistan killed top leader Ayman al-Zawahri, the Associated Press reported. 

Current and former officials began hearing Sunday afternoon that al-Zawahri had been killed in a drone strike by the CIA in Kabul, but the administration delayed releasing the information until his death could be confirmed, sources told the AP. 

It was the United State’s most significant strike against al Qaeda since the killing of Osama bin Laden in 2011. 

Biden, who remains in isolation after a rebound case of covid, will make the address from the first floor balcony off the blue room of the White House at 7:30 pm ET.

‘Over the weekend, the United States conducted a counterterrorism operation against a significant Al Qaeda target in Afghanistan. The operation was successful and there were no civilian casualties,’ a senior administration official said.

Ayman al-Zawahiri, who was Osama bin Laden’s second-in-command, was on the FBI’s most-wanted terrorist list. There was a $25 million reward for information leading directly to him. 

Osama bin Laden’s second-in-command Ayman al-Zawahiri was killed in a CIA drone attack in Kabul this weekend

Al-Zawahiri was Bin Laden’s No 2 in Al-Qaeda, the radical jihadist network once led by the Saudi millionaire. The two are seen above in this September 2006 file photo

President Joe Biden will address the nation Monday night about a successful counterterrorism operation regarding al Qaeda

In a statement, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid confirmed that a strike took place and strongly condemned it, calling it a violation of ‘international principles.’ 

Al-Zawahiri, 71, took over al-Qaeda after bin Laden’s death in 2011, when bin Laden was killed in a raid by U.S. forces in Pakistan in 2011.

In 1998, he was indicted for his alleged role in the August 7, 1998, bombings of the United States Embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Nairobi, Kenya. 

Both he and bin Laden escaped U.S. forces in Afghanistan in late 2001. 

Zawahiri’s whereabouts had long been a mystery.  Rumors have spread since late 2020 that al-Zawahiri had died from illness.

But he appeared in a new video in April, where he denounced the ‘enemies of Islam.’

He appeared after a school in India banned the wearing of the hijab. 

He also decried France, Holland, and Switzerland, as well as Egypt and Morocco, as ‘enemies of Islam’ for their anti-hijab policies. 

Before April, Al-Zawahiri last appeared in a video last year marking the 20th anniversary of the September 11 attacks, months after rumours spread that he was dead.

In that video, he proclaimed ‘Jerusalem will never be Judaized’ and praised al-Qaeda attacks – including one that targeted Russian troops in Syria in January 2021. SITE said al-Zawahiri also noted the US military’s withdrawal from Afghanistan 20 years after the invasion.

Al-Zawahiri’s FBI poster, the FBI offered a $25 million reward for information on him

Al-Zawahiri was born in Egypt in 1951 and worked as a surgeon. He grew up in an upper-class neighborhood in Cairo, Egypt, the son of a prominent physician and grandson of famous scholars.

An Islamic fundamentalist, al-Zawahiri joined the outlawed Egyptian Islamic Jihad group as a teenager, being jailed twice for helping plot assassinations of two Egyptian leaders.

He eventually became the group’s leader, which was dedicated to the creation of an Islamic state in Egypt, and in the 1980s he joined Mujahedeen fighting Soviet forces in Afghanistan.

There he befriended and joined forces with bin Laden, becoming his personal physician.

He formally merged his group, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, with al Qaeda in 1998. 

The two men later issued a fatwa, or decree, that said: ‘The judgment to kill and fight Americans and their allies, whether civilians or military, is an obligation for every Muslim.’ 

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Biden urged to deal hammer blow to desperate Putin as Russia struggles in Black Sea

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Russian-American historian Dr Yuri Felshtinsky was speaking about the sudden illness of Putin’s former associate Anatoly Chubais on the Italian island of Sardinia, as well as the death of a Ukraine grain baron. In addition, the first ship to carry Ukrainian grain through the Black Sea since Russia invaded Ukraine five months ago set sail from the port of Odesa today after a deal brokered between the two sides by Turkey and the United Nations.

Dr Felshtinsky, who has as PhD in history from Rutgers University in New Jersey, is the author of the forthcoming Blowing up Ukraine: The Return of Russian Terror and the Threat of World War III, due to be published on August 24.

He warned: “Vladimir Putin is toying with the world.”

He said the news of the sudden illness of Anatoly Chubais “and fears it might be a case of Putinitis”, and the killing in Odesa in his bedroom of Oleksiy Vadatursky, Ukraine’s richest grain magnate, “the Kremlin is toying with the world by releasing a grain ship.”

Joe Biden Vladimir PutinJoe Biden has been told an international coalition must “lock Vladimir Putin out of the Black Sea” (Image: GETTY)

OdesaThe Sierra Leone-flagged cargo ship Razoni loaded with 26,000 tonnes of Ukrainian corn (Image: GETTY)

Dr Felshtinsky said: “The Kremlin’s sole objective is to weaken the coalition of nations thwarting its conquest of Ukraine with every means at its disposal.

“The sooner an international coalition comes together to lock Russia out of the Black Sea the sooner the conflict is likely to lose momentum.”

The Sierra Leone-flagged ship Razoni will head to the port of Tripoli, Lebanon, after transiting the Bosphorus Strait linking the Black Sea, which is dominated by Russia’s navy, to the Mediterranean. It is carrying 26,527 tonnes of corn.

JUST IN: Liz Truss in awkward Tory hustings gaffe ‘Stand up for Putin’ – VIDEO

Anatoly ChubaisAnatoly Chubais, a former adviser to Mr Putin, is in intensive care in Sardinia (Image: GETTY)

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24 has led to a worldwide food and energy crisis and the United Nations has warned of the risk of multiple famines this year.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said he hoped Tuesday’s departure would be the first of many such cargos and that the UN would charter a ship to replenish supplies of aid.

He told reporters in New York: “People on the verge of famine need these agreements to work, in order to survive.

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Dymtro KulebaDymtro Kuleba, Ukraine’s Foreign Minister (Image: GETTY)

Ukraine Volodymyr ZelenskyUkraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky (Image: GETTY)

“Countries on the verge of bankruptcy need these agreements to work, in order to keep their economies alive.”

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba called it a “day of relief for the world, especially for our friends in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa”.

Ukraine, known as Europe’s breadbasket, hopes to export 20 million tonnes of grain in silos and 40 million tonnes from the harvest now underway, initially from Odesa and nearby Pivdennyi and Chornomorsk, to help clear the silos for the new crop.

Ukraine RussiaUkraine/Russia territorial disputes mapped (Image: Express)

Moscow has denied responsibility for the food crisis, blaming Western sanctions for slowing its exports and Ukraine for mining the approaches to its ports. The Kremlin called the Razoni’s departure “very positive” news.

Mr Chubais, the former privatisation tsar of post-Soviet Russia who quit his post as a Kremlin special envoy due to the war in Ukraine, is in intensive care in Europe with a rare immune disorder, two sources close to Mr Chubais have said.

They suggested Mr Chubais, 67, believes he is suffering from Guillain Barre syndrome, a disease caused by the immune system damaging the peripheral nervous system.

The first said: “He thinks it’s a disease. Doctors say they found it in time.”

Vladimir Putin profileVladimir Putin profile (Image: Express)

A European intelligence agency is looking into the case but has not disclosed the results yet, that source said.

Some media and opposition activists have speculated Mr Chubais may have been poisoned.

Russian missiles pounded the southern Ukrainian port city of Mykolaiv early on Sunday, killing Mr Vadatursky, founder and owner of agriculture company Nibulon, and his wife were killed in their home, Mykolaiv Governor Vitaliy Kim said on Telegram.

Headquartered in Mykolaiv, a strategically important city that borders the mostly Russian-occupied Kherson region, Nibulon specialises in the production and export of wheat, barley and corn, and has its own fleet and shipyard.

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Sale of Brooklyn apartment building temporarily paused after ‘massive’ fraud left tenants at risk of eviction

By Kirstyn Brendlen Posted on August 1, 2022

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A bankruptcy claim has temporarily paused a foreclosure sale that would put dozens of tenants in a Bay Ridge apartment building at risk of eviction after their landlord allegedly defrauded them out of hundreds of thousands of dollars.

According to a lawsuit filed in Kings County Supreme Court and first reported by the New York Post, tenants say Xi Hui Wu, the landlord at 345 Ovington Avenue, “sold” them their condominiums in the 25-unit building — but did not have permission from the state to complete those sales and never handed over the deeds to the would-be buyers. 

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Who Is Vladimir Putin?

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Philip Short’s “Putin” is an impressive biography but one that necessarily lacks the final chapters of the story.

Vladimir Putin, July 20, 2022

Vladimir Putin, July 20, 2022Credit…Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

Peter Baker
Aug. 1, 2022, 2:00 p.m. ET

PUTIN, by Philip Short

In the days after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, Moscow suddenly felt different. My wife and I, serving there as correspondents, were overwhelmed by expressions of sympathy and solidarity. Russians we had never met faxed condolence letters. A teary-eyed stranger stopped me on the street brandishing a picture of herself at the World Trade Center from a trip years earlier. The outside of the American Embassy was carpeted with flowers, icons, crosses, candles and a note that said, “We were together at the Elbe, we will be together again.”

A young master of the Kremlin named Vladimir Putin seemed to take that to heart, pledging steadfast support for the United States. For a heady moment, it seemed as if the planet’s two dominant nuclear powers would rekindle the World War II alliance that led Russian and American troops to meet at Germany’s Elbe River in 1945. But now as then, it would not last. The sense of good will soon evaporated, and the illusion that Putin was a Western-oriented modernizer was shattered. Two decades later, Russia and America are facing off in a twilight struggle in Ukraine arguably as dangerous as the Cold War that followed the defeat of the Nazis.

Was that Putin’s fault or ours? Did we misjudge him or did we mislead him? Was it inevitable that Putin would come to see himself as a latter-day Peter the Great seeking to re-establish the czarist empire or could we have done more to anchor a post-Soviet Russia in the community of nations? Never have those questions been more profoundly relevant. Now weighing into the debate is the British journalist Philip Short, with his expansive new biography, “Putin,” which sees the rift between East and West largely through the eyes of its protagonist.

Short’s account is both perfectly and unfortunately timed, arriving just when we most need to understand Putin, yet missing the chapter that may yet define his place in history. The invasion of Ukraine does not take place until Page 656 of a 672-page text, having erupted just as Short was completing eight years of research and composition. Such is the peril of writing biographies of figures who are still alive and not finished writing their own stories.

But if the story is unavoidably incomplete, Short’s version nonetheless offers a compelling, impressive and methodically researched account of Putin’s life so far. He plumbs an array of sources, including his own interviews, to reconstruct the tale of a street brawler from a bleak communal apartment in postwar Leningrad who embarks on a mediocre career as a midlevel K.G.B. officer in East Germany only to make a stunning leap to power in Moscow following the chaos of 1990s post-Soviet Russia.

Short, a former journalist with the BBC, The Economist and The Times of London, adds to the library of insightful books about the Russian autocrat, including “The New Tsar,” by Steven Lee Myers; “Mr. Putin,” by Fiona Hill and Clifford G. Gaddy; “The Man Without a Face,” by Masha Gessen; and “Putin’s World,” by Angela Stent. But unlike those Russia specialists, he comes to his subject as a chronicler of some of history’s biggest villains, having written biographies of Pol Pot and Mao Zedong.

As critics observed about those volumes, Short’s determination to present a fully realized portrait of Putin may strike some as excessively sympathetic. “The purpose of this book is neither to demonize Putin — he is more than capable of doing that himself — nor to absolve him of his crimes,” Short writes, “but to explore his personality, to understand what motivates him and how he has become the leader that he is.”

In fact, he does absolve Putin of several crimes. Short opens with an extended examination of the never-solved apartment bombings of 1999 that were blamed on Chechen terrorists but suspected of being a government conspiracy to cement Putin’s path to power. Short exonerates Putin. He may be right; no one has ever definitively proved the case. But it is a curious way to start a book about an autocrat who is currently bombing plenty of other apartments in Ukraine. He likewise absolves Putin of notorious political attacks against the likes of Sergei Skripal, Anna Politkovskaya and Boris Nemtsov, while allowing that he probably was responsible for the gruesome poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko in London.

Yet Short’s book is no hagiography. He extensively covers the dark moments of Putin’s career — the leveling of Grozny during the second Chechen war, the reckless handling of the Moscow theater siege, the cynical exploitation of the terrorist attack on a school in Beslan to consolidate power, the crackdown on dissent at home, including the poisoning and imprisonment of Alexei A. Navalny. The Putin of Short’s book is not someone you would invite to dinner; he is crude and cold, arrogant and heartless. He is unmoved when his wife is in a serious car accident or when his dog is run over. His wife, a believer in astrology, once said he must have been born under the sign of the vampire. She is now, not surprisingly, his ex-wife.

There are small errors — Short writes, for example, that Start II was “still unratified by the U.S. Congress” in 2010 when in fact the treaty was ratified in 1996 — but these invariably slip into any work of this size and scope. More debatable may be some of his conclusions in which he adopts the Russian view. He equates Putin’s forcible annexation of Crimea to Western support for Kosovo’s independence, dismissing differences between the two as “nuances.” Indeed, Kosovo is one of “the West’s three cardinal sins” in Putin’s eyes “that had destroyed both sides’ hopes of building a better, more peaceful world after the collapse of the Soviet Union” (along with withdrawing from the Antiballistic Missile treaty and expanding NATO). Every Russian outrage is likened to some Western perfidy. Yes, the Russians interfered in the 2016 election but “the United States had done the same.” The deterioration in relations had a certain “inevitability” that was “largely the result of a series of Western, essentially American, decisions.”

Short advances the Russian argument that America betrayed a “promise” by Secretary of State James A. Baker III in 1990 that NATO jurisdiction would not move “one inch to the east.” In fact, there was no promise. Baker floated the idea during negotiations over reunification of Germany but later walked it back, and no such commitment was included in the resulting treaty that did extend NATO to East Germany with Moscow’s assent. By contrast, Short makes no mention of an actual promise Russia made in a 1994 agreement guaranteeing Ukraine’s sovereignty and forswearing the use of force against it, an accord Putin has obviously broken.

Indeed, Short accepts Putin’s explanation for his unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. “The State Department,” he writes, “insisted that the war had nothing to do with NATO enlargement and everything to do with Putin’s refusal to accept Ukraine’s existence as an independent state, which may have been good spin but was poor history.” Unless you read Putin’s own 5,000-word poor history published last year refusing to accept Ukraine’s existence as an independent state or remember that the invasion took place many, many years after the main NATO expansion and at a time when NATO membership for Ukraine was not seriously on the table.

It may be that all this was inevitable. It may be that the moments of Russian-American friendship were all exceptions to a generational struggle destined to be waged for decades to come. Putin seems to think so. Short recounts Putin’s memory of his meeting with Vice President Joe Biden in 2011.

“Don’t be under any illusion,” he told the future president. “We only look like you. … Russians and Americans resemble each other physically. But inside we have very different values.” Certainly, Biden would agree with that today.

PUTIN, by Philip Short | Illustrated | 864 pp. | Henry Holt & Company | $40

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Michael Flynn Files $50 Million Lawsuit Against FBI, DOJ, Robert Mueller’s Office, and Executive Office of Obama for “Malicious Prosecution”

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МО РФ: российская армия уничтожила две установки HIMARS в Харькове

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ВС РФ в течение суток уничтожили высокоточными ракетами две установки реактивной системы залпового огня (РСЗО) американского производства HIMARS, располагавшиеся на территории предприятия «Украинские энергетические машины» в Харькове. Об этом сообщает Минобороны РФ.

По данным министерства, в данной местности также были ликвидированы 53 украинских националиста и иностранных наемника. Кроме того, ВКС РФ нанесли удар по пункту временной дислокации 92-й механизированной бригады. В результате было уничтожено до 200 националистов и семь единиц бронетехники. При этом в 93-й механизированной бригаде ВСУ фиксируются большие безвозвратные потери, отмечают в Минобороны РФ. Аналогичная ситуация наблюдается и в 128-й горно-штурмовой бригаде на Запорожском направлении.

Оперативно-тактическая и армейская авиация, а также ракетные войска РФ в течение суток уничтожили два склада боеприпасов в районах населенных пунктов Северск и Каленики в ДНР, центр обеспечения горюче-смазочными материалами военной техники украинских вооруженных сил в районе города Никополь.

В районе населенного пункта Великий Дальник Одесской области была ликвидирована пусковая установка американского противокорабельного ракетного комплекса «Harpoon».

Ранее сообщалось, что российские военные нанесли удар по пункту временной дислокации нацбата «Кракен» в Харькове.

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The Ministry of Defense announced the destruction of two HIMARS installations in Kharkov

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The Ministry of Defense announced the destruction of two HIMARS installations in Kharkov

RZSO HIMARS at the training ground in Okinawa.
© US Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Donovan Massieperez / CC BY-SA 4.0

In Kharkov, on the territory of the Ukrainian Energy Machines plant, two American launchers of multiple launch rocket systems (MLRS) HIMARS were destroyed. This was announced by the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation in its Telegram channel. Also, 53 Ukrainian nationalists and foreign mercenaries were killed during the strike.

In addition, the launcher of the Harpoon anti-ship missile system was destroyed in the Odessa region.

The news is being supplemented

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Be the first to read breaking news on OopsTop.com. Today’s latest news, and live news updates, read the most reliable English news website Oopstop.com

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Of Course Biden Has Rebound COVID

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Four days after recovering from a COVID-19 infection, President Joe Biden has tested positive again. When he first got sick, Biden—like more than one-third of the Americans who have tested positive for COVID-19 this summer, according to the U.S. government’s public records—was prescribed Paxlovid, an antiviral pill treatment made by Pfizer. Like many Paxlovid takers, he soon tested negative and resumed his normal activities. And then, like many Paxlovid takers, his infection came right back. (Biden does not currently have symptoms, according to his physician.)

With more than 40,000 prescriptions being handed out a day, we’re taking Paxlovid at about the same rate that we’re taking oxycodone. When Biden got sick last week, he started taking the pills before the day was out. When Anthony Fauci had COVID in June, he took two courses. That enthusiasm is in line with the government’s messaging around the drug.

The Biden administration has consistently hailed Paxlovid as an effective tool in the fight against SARS-CoV-2. “For the most part, Paxlovid is doing what you’re asking it to do,” Fauci told me recently. Many researchers and physicians agree. Ann Woolley, the associate clinical director of transplant infectious diseases at Brigham and Women’s Hospital, told me that she feels “very fortunate” to be able to offer Paxlovid to her patients, even if it’s not a COVID panacea.

But some providers are prescribing the drug with a bit less enthusiasm, particularly when it comes to vaccinated patients (such as Biden and Fauci). Reshma Ramachandran, a family-medicine doctor and researcher at Yale, told me that she’s feeling a sense of “resignation” about Paxlovid. Though it’s one of the few COVID treatments she can offer, she can’t say with confidence that the pills will help someone who’s been immunized. Bob Wachter, the chair of medicine at UC San Francisco, called assessing the value of Paxlovid for these patients a “massively complicated three-dimensional chess game.” Anyone who might want to take the drug should discuss with their doctor whether and when they’ve been infected before, how many vaccine doses they’ve had (and when they had them), their age, and other risk factors—all in light of the limited clinical data that are now available. Patients will surely struggle to make sense of all these variables. Their doctors might, too. “I can barely decide whether I want it, and I do this for a living,” Wachter said.

A person could have easily forgiven such confusion when Paxlovid was first being rolled out on a large scale, following an emergency authorization last winter. But now, eight months later? More than 3 million people have taken it. Pfizer has announced two sets of results from its clinical trial and submitted data to the FDA for full approval. Dozens of independent studies of the drug have been published or released as preprints. And yet, doctors remain unsure of: who might benefit from Paxlovid and in what ways; who really needs it; why and how often rebound infections such as Biden’s and Fauci’s occur; whether the drug reduces patients’ risk of developing long COVID; and whether the virus will slowly develop resistance to the drug.

Read: Rebound COVID is just the start of Paxlovid’s mysteries

These questions remain unanswered (or incompletely answered) thanks to corporate secrecy, the minutiae of drug testing, and the necessary care with which human trials are conducted. But in a more fundamental way, the persistent fog around Paxlovid comes from the disease that it’s meant to alleviate. The pandemic is simply moving too quickly, the virus is evolving too fast, and our responses to it are changing too often for anyone to find unambiguous answers about one specific drug.

Before we walk into that fog, let’s get some things settled: Paxlovid is effective at keeping unvaccinated, high-risk people—those who are most likely to require hospitalization if they come down with COVID—alive and out of the hospital. The drug has some side effects, such as a strange and unpleasant taste, but its safety profile is stellar. (It does have some known, dangerous interactions with other common medications.) No one died while taking it in Pfizer’s clinical trials. Got it? Good. Now on to the mysteries.

When I spoke with Fauci, he repeatedly emphasized that the point of Paxlovid is “to keep you out of the hospital and prevent you from progressing to severe disease.” But does the drug really have this benefit for young, vaccinated people, who would seem to represent a significant proportion of those taking it? COVID hospitalization rates for those younger than 60 are currently less than two per 100,000. Given those numbers, Paxlovid—or any other drug, for that matter—isn’t likely to provide much benefit. “If your risk of hospitalization is incredibly low, to make that even lower is somewhat improbable,” David Boulware, an infectious-disease physician and a researcher at the University of Minnesota, told me.

That might explain why Pfizer’s trial found no statistically significant effect on hospitalization among a group of unvaccinated people at low risk from the disease and vaccinated people at high risk. An Israeli study conducted this winter similarly showed that Paxlovid did not significantly affect hospitalization rates in vaccinated, high-risk patients younger than 65. A study from Hong Kong did find that vaccinated Paxlovid takers were only about two-thirds as likely as non-takers to be hospitalized; but these data were not broken down by age, and the most popular vaccine choice among older Hong Kongers, Sinovac, is less effective than the mRNA-based vaccines that have dominated in the United States. A study that Woolley co-authored in Massachusetts found that Paxlovid reduced the risk of hospitalization for vaccinated people of all ages by 28 percent; and if a person’s last shot was more than 20 weeks old, the protection offered by the pills nearly doubled.

With the exception of Pfizer’s clinical trial, these studies are not placebo-controlled experiments, which makes them vulnerable to confounding factors. Woolley acknowledged the limitations of her own research, and told me that the benefit she found was “incremental.” Still, thanks to the paper, “I do feel like I have, now, significant data and experience to be able to have a well-informed discussion with my patients,” she said. “I’m not worried that we are giving placebo.”

Read: Paxlovid mouth is real—and gross

Other experts aren’t yet convinced. “I think we’re still left with a little bit of head-scratching about the utility of the drug in younger people or in people who are fully vaccinated and boosted,” Wachter told me. Boulware said he’s eager to see Pfizer’s results separated by vaccination status, which the company has not released. Those numbers wouldn’t necessarily tell us how Paxlovid fares against BA.5, but at least they come from a placebo-controlled trial. The data that have been made public to this point, he said, “suggest that there’s really minimal to no benefit, most likely, for the vast majority of people.”

If Paxlovid was shown to have benefits beyond keeping people out of the hospital—if we knew that it made symptoms less intense, for example, or go away sooner—then the case for using it in young, vaccinated people might be stronger. But so far, those data have been lacking too. Pfizer’s own trials found that the drug did not reduce the duration of COVID patients’ symptoms or work to prevent infection when taken as a prophylactic.

According to a CDC advisory, people who take Paxlovid for a COVID-19 bout could experience a resurgence of the infection—a Paxlovid rebound—between 2 and 8 days after their initial recovery. Biden’s four-day boomerang, then, is fairly typical.

How common are these rebounds, and why do they occur? Even now, no one really knows. The Biden administration and researchers have maintained that rebound cases are not severe in general. But no definitive evidence has emerged to indicate how often they occur, who’s most likely to get them, or whether they’re related to Paxlovid at all. “It remains one of the most confusing things I can recall during the pandemic,” Wachter said.

The few studies that have quantitatively assessed the rate of rebound have returned a range of numbers, centered at something less than 10 percent. Pfizer told me this spring that just 2 percent of their unvaccinated, high-risk Paxlovid takers rebounded during clinical trials. In June, a Mayo Clinic study of 483 patients logged a symptom-rebound rate of less than 1 percent, while one from Case Western Reserve University and the National Institutes of Health found that 5.4 percent of Paxlovid patients tested positive again within 30 days, and 5.9 percent had a recurrence of symptoms. (Similar numbers rebounded after taking molnupiravir.)

Yet some clinicians told me that they don’t yet buy these numbers. Wachter said he suspects the real rebound rate is more like 10 or 15 percent. Ramachandran’s experience with her patients, family, and friends makes her think it’s even higher, perhaps 25 or 50 percent. (She stressed that this estimate is purely based on anecdotes.) Woolley didn’t want to pick a number, but said that a rate higher than 2 percent and much lower than 20 seems plausible to her. Even Fauci was willing to entertain the notion that 2 percent simply isn’t right. “I want to be humble and modest enough to say I don’t know,” he said.

Daniel Griffin, an infectious-disease expert, believes that fewer than 10 percent of people who take Paxlovid end up rebounding, but he also thinks those rebounds have nothing to do with the drug. “We’ve always seen this,” he told me. According to Griffin, physicians who have been taking care of COVID patients since 2020 were already seeing a pattern of disease, especially in high-risk patients, that entailed two weeks of worsening symptoms. He suspects Paxlovid suppresses the first half of the illness; when that suppression stops, you get the “rebound.”

Some experts have hypothesized that the way we’re using Paxlovid may be causing rebound. Wachter raised the possibility that taking Paxlovid too early in your course of illness could be one factor. The idea is plausible, Woolley told me, but “it goes against what we know also to be the case: The earlier you treat with an antiviral, the more effective it is.” (The FDA has only authorized Paxlovid to be distributed within the first five days of a patient’s having COVID symptoms.)

Do rebound cases suggest that the virus can evolve, within a patient, to make itself Paxlovid-proof? Again, the research seems to point in two directions. A group of researchers at UC San Diego studied one rebound case very carefully, and ruled out antiviral resistance as the cause. But even if resistance isn’t driving rebound, subsequent research has shown that SARS-CoV-2 is capable of developing resistance to Paxlovid, at least in a lab setting. “Any time you’re treating a disease caused by an RNA virus with a single drug, it’s not optimal, just because their capacity for change is great,” Timothy Sheahan, a virologist at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, told me. He described the way he studies antiviral resistance in the lab. Step one: Grow a virus. Step two: Add some antiviral medicine, but not enough to completely suppress viral replication. Step three: Introduce that virus to a new host. Repeat. It sure sounds a lot like a COVID patient taking Paxlovid, rebounding, not realizing that they’re contagious again, and giving the virus to somebody else.

To ward off the possibility of resistance, Sheahan said, we need other drugs. “My hope, taking a page from the HIV-therapy playbook, is that there will and should be a multidrug cocktail to treat this disease, at the very minimum containing a few direct-acting antivirals,” he said. He’s also keen to find out whether such a cocktail would eliminate rebound.

Other researchers, including the ones from UC San Diego, suspect that prescribing a longer Paxlovid course might do the trick. Pfizer is planning to test whether a 10- or 15-day course of the drug might lead to better results, including lower rebound rates, among immunocompromised patients.

“I think it’s really important to determine what the real duration of treatment should be,” Fauci told me. Maybe, he said, it’s “going to have an impact not only on rebound, but also on whether a person gets long COVID or not.” But Ramachandran and Wachter both said they fear that hypothetical connection could go both ways: Perhaps rebound could raise a person’s chances of getting long COVID. To be clear, there is no empirical evidence as yet that supports this possibility—just physicians’ feelings of uncertainty around Paxlovid, plus some anecdotes. A few months ago, Wachter’s wife had COVID, took Paxlovid, and rebounded. Now, he said, she gets tired much more easily than she did before.

Don’t expect this fog to lift anytime soon. For one thing, Pfizer has not yet made full data on the use of Paxlovid by vaccinated people available to researchers or anyone else. The Biden administration has not made any public efforts to pressure the company into doing so.

More research groups are, of course, working to find answers. Several experts told me they’re eagerly awaiting the results of the RECOVERY trial in the U.K., which will rigorously test Paxlovid in hospitalized patients. Woolley and her colleagues plan to study the risk profiles of patients who request a second course of Paxlovid because they experience a rebound. At UNC, Sheahan is part of a group working on a rebound-related study. Fauci said, “We are making steps and planning studies and doing concept sheets for studies” regarding rebound rates and the appropriate duration of treatment.

All of that research is going to take time. A spokesperson for the RECOVERY trial told me that fewer than 100 participants had been recruited as of July 25, and that the researchers need “at least several thousand” to draw conclusions. “It is likely to be many months yet before the trial can generate a result for Paxlovid,” they wrote in an email. Pfizer’s trial in immunocompromised patients, which will specifically investigate rebound and treatment duration, is listed as “not yet recruiting” on clinicaltrials.gov. Sheahan and his colleagues began planning their study around the turn of the new year, and only received approval from their institutional research board this month. They haven’t yet begun enrolling participants. When I asked Sheahan when he expected results, he said, “Hopefully several months.”

By the time this work gets peer-reviewed and published, it will be a little out of date. Months from now, America’s immune landscape will be different thanks to new infections, waning immunity, and newly formulated vaccines. We might be facing a new variant or subvariant that causes more or less severe disease, or replicates differently in the body, or simply responds differently to antivirals. The pandemic has been in an accelerating state of all-over-the-place since last year; research on Paxlovid can only lag behind.

In the meantime, patients and providers are muddling through. All of the doctors I spoke with said that they’re still erring on the side of prescribing Paxlovid, thanks to its lack of debilitating side effects. Sheahan, though not a medical doctor, was recently a Paxlovid patient when he came down with COVID after traveling. “I ended up on the medication within 48 hours after the onset of symptoms and was antigen negative in nine days. And it never came back,” he said when we spoke last week. Five days later, he emailed me to say that he had tested positive again.

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